Walking under occupation pictures

Here are pictures from the opening of Rehab Nazzal’s “walking under occupation” exhibit at the Ottawa School of Art.

Israeli Occupation on Trial/Occupation Israelienne en poursuite judiciaire

 

Canadians for Justice and Peace in the Middle East

Version Française suit…

Israeli Occupation on Trial/Occupation Israelienne en poursuite judiciaire

Bil’in Village Protester

For over 3 years, the residents of Bil’in Village have resisted Israeli confiscation of their land.  The lawsuit launched in Canada is an important new element to this remarkable campaign.

Panel with Mr. Mark Arnold, Canadian Lawyer for the Palestinian Village of Bil’in

Continuing the CJPME 2008 Event Series in Toronto, Montreal and Ottawa, CJPME is delighted to announce:

Israeli Occupation on Trial

Panel with Mr. Mark Arnold, Canadian Lawyer for the Palestinian Village of Bil’in

Please join us September 25, 26, and 27 to explore this important case.

Mr. Mark Arnold, Canadian lawyer for Bil’in Village 

In July, 2008, the Palestinian Village of Bil’in launched a lawsuit in Quebec Superior Court against two Montreal companies: Green Mount International Inc. and Green Park International Inc.  The two companies are accused of building condominiums on Palestinian land under Israeli military occupation: actions that are strictly illegal under international, Canadian and Quebec law.  

Toronto, Thursday, September 25, 7:30 p.m., at the Steelworkers Hall, 25 Cecil Street, Toronto

Montreal, Friday, September 26, 7:30 p.m., McGill University, New Chancellor Day Hall, 3644 Peel Street, Room: 100 (The “Moot Court”), enter through the Law Library entrance at 3660 Peel St.

Ottawa, Saturday, September 27, 7:30 p.m., Sandy Hill Community Centre, 221 Nelson St., off Rideau St., Ottawa

Join us for a dynamic panel discussion with the Canadian lawyer for Bil’in Village, Mr. Mark Arnold, and other distinguished panellists as we explore the case and its implications for Canada, Israel and the Palestinians.  Attendees at each event will be given the opportunity to donate to the legal fund of Bil’in Village, should they so choose.

An admission of $5 will be charged to cover the costs of hosting the event series.

For a list of our other panellists, and for more info on these exciting events, please see http://www.cjpme.ca/event_info.shtml.

cjpme@sympatico.ca

http://www.cjpme.ca/ 

Discussion avec Mr. Mark Arnold, Avocat Canadien représentant  le village de Bil’in

Les conférences de CJPMO continuent.  Nous avons le plaisir d’annoncer celles  du 25, 26 et 27 septembre à Toronto, Montreal et Ottawa:

Occupation Israelienne en poursuite judiciaire

Discussion avec Mr. Mark Arnold, Avocat Canadien représentant le village palestinien de Bil’in

En Juillet 2008, le village Palestinien de Bil’in a intenté une poursuite judiciaire en Cour Supérieure du Québec contre deux companies Montréalaises: Green Mount International Inc. et Green Park International Inc. Ces deux companies ont été accusées de contruire des condominiums sur des territories Palestinien étant sous occupation militaire Israelienne: ces actes sont illegaux tant en droit international, que Canadien et Québecois. Ce cas, qui n’a aucun  précédent, sera présenté en cour cet automne.

Toronto, jeudi, le 25 septembre à 19h30.  Steelworkers Hall, 25 Cecil Street, Toronto

Montréal, vendredi,  le 26 septembre à 19h30.  McGill University, New Chancellor Day Hall, 3644 Peel Street, Room: 100 (The “Moot Court”). On passe par l’entrée du Law Library à 3660 Peel St pour acceder à la salle. 

Ottawa, samedi, le 27 septembre à 19h30.  Sandy Hill Community Centre, 221 Nelson St., près de Rideau St., Ottawa.

Participez avec nous à cette conférence-discussion avec Mark Arnold, avocat canadien défendant le village de Bil’in, ainsi que d’autres personnalités remarquables . Analysons ce cas et ses implications pour le Canada , Israel et le Peuple Palestinien. Les participants, s’ils le désirent, auront l’occasion de faire des dons au Fond Légal du Village de Bil’in. 

Le coût d’admission sera de $5 et couvrira les frais d’organisation et d’accueil de cet événement.

Pour une liste de nos autres conférenciers, et pour toute autre information au sujet des conférences, veuillez consulter

http://www.cjpme.ca/fr/event_info.shtml.

cjpme@sympatico.ca

http://www.cjpme.ca/fr 

Vision Theatre Presents: My Name is Rachel Corrie

Walking Under Occupation/Unreste d’Occupation - REHAB NAZZAL

The Ottawa School of Art Gallery Presents/L’École d’art d’Ottawa est fière de présenter

Walking Under Occupation/Unreste d’Occupation - REHAB NAZZAL

September 4th - October 5th, 2008/ 4 septembre - 5 octobre, 2008

Opening: September 4th, 2008 (5pm-8pm)

Vernissage: Le 4 septembre, 2008 (17h-20h)

The Israeli Real Estate Agent

“Now you just have to imagine the room with a different color scheme, hardwood floors, and all these people living the street and the 6-year-old shot through the head and the rest of the family acting crazy as if things could have been handled differently.”

Source: http://www.harpers.org/media/image/art/cartoons/mrfish/IsraeliRealEstateAgent_703×567.jpg

Roundtable: 68/25: A Dialogue with Young Afghans - Ottawa August 26th, 2008

La version française suit

Dear partners –

How does protracted conflict impact the lives of young people? How do young people experience peace and rebuild their lives in post-conflict reconstruction? What developmental challenges and opportunities exist for young people amid technological advancement and the presence of international community in one of the least developed country?

The Afghanistan Task Force at the Department of Foreign Affairs and the Canadian Commission for UNESCO would like to invite you to a youth roundtable (68/25: A Dialogue with Young Afghans) between Canadian and Afghan youth.

With over 68% of its population under 25 years old, today young Afghans represent a generation that is born into three decades of conflicts in Afghanistan. In their first ever visit to Canada, a 5-member Afghan youth delegation will share their first hand experiences and the plight of young people in Afghanistan. The roundtable discussion aims to building networks, exchanging ideas on youth-led projects and engagement strategies.

Date/Time: Tuesday, August 26, 2008 (2:00 PM – 4:00 PM)

Address: Canadian Commission for UNESCO, 350 Albert, 12th floor, Massey-Levesque Room)

Thank you for confirming you presence before August 22, 2008, with RSVP to Mrs. Marie-Tonine Moreau at marie-tonine.moreau@unesco.ca with copy to Cynthia Lacasse at cynthia.lacasse@unesco.ca and to Ajmal Pashtoonyar at Ajmal.Pashtoonyar@international.gc.ca

You can also confirm your participation by phone with Mrs. Moreau at 613-566-4414 ext. 5546

With best regards,

Ajmal and Cynthia

………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….

Chers partenaires,

De quelle façon les conflits prolongés influencent-ils la vie des jeunes? Comment les jeunes vivent-ils la paix et comment refont-ils leur vie au cours d’une reconstruction après conflit? Quelles difficultés et possibilités liées au développement existe-t-il pour les jeunes face au progrès technologique et à la présence de la communauté internationale dans l’un des pays les moins développés?

Le Groupe de travail sur l’Afghanistan du ministère des Affaires étrangères et la Commission canadienne pour l’UNESCO voudraient vous inviter à une table ronde des jeunes (68/25 : Un dialogue avec les jeunes Afghans) entre des jeunes Canadiens et Afghans.

Plus de 68 % de la population de l’Afghanistan est âgée de moins de 25 ans, de sorte que les jeunes d’aujourd’hui représentent une génération qui est née au cours des trois décennies de conflit dans le pays. Au cours de leur toute première visite au Canada, une délégation de cinq jeunes Afghans discuteront de leurs expériences personnelles et du sort des jeunes en Afghanistan. La table ronde vise à créer des réseaux ainsi qu’à échanger des idées sur des projets et des stratégies d’engagement menés par des jeunes.

Date/heure : Le mardi 26 août 2008 (14 h à 16 h)

Adresse : Commission canadienne pour l’UNESCO, 350, rue Albert, 12e étage, salle Massey-Lévesque

Veuillez confirmer votre présence avant le 22 août 2008 à Mme Marie-Tonine Moreau à marie-tonine.moreau@unesco.ca, avec copie conforme à Mme Cynthia Lacasse, à cynthia.lacasse@unesco.ca ainsi qu’à M. Ajmal Pashtoonyar, à Ajmal.Pashtoonyar@international.gc.ca.

Vous pouvez également confirmer votre participation en téléphonant à Mme Moreau, au 613‑566‑4414, poste 5546.

Cordialement,

Ajmal et Cynthia

___________________________________________

Ajmal Pashtoonyar

Youth Outreach Officer - Agent de liaison avec les jeunes

Connecting with Young Canadians - Connexion avec les jeunes Canadiens

Afghanistan Task Force / Groupe de travail sur l’Afghanistan

Department of Foreign Affairs and International Trade/Ministère des affaires étrangères et commerce international

Tel: 613-947-7919 Fax: 613 947 7917

Cynthia Lacasse

Programme Officer, Youth / Agente de programme, Jeunesse

Canadian Commission for UNESCO / Commission canadienne pour l’UNESCO

350 Albert, P.O. / C.P. 1047 Ottawa, ON, Canada K1P 5V8

Tel: (613) 566-4414 / 1-800-263-5588, x 4550       Fax: (613) 566-4405

Internet: http://www.unesco.ca

cynthia.lacasse@unesco.ca

UNESCO: United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization /

L’Organisation des Nations Unies pour l’éducation, la science et la culture

A Revolutionary Idea, A Great Cause

Wednesday, August 20, 2008

Saw Gallery - 67 Nicholas Street

7pm to 10pm

Entrance is free, donations are welcome

Great music, food, art and photography, support a great cause

Israel and love affair

Why are Israelis and the mainstream media so shocked about the recent bulldozer incident in Jerusalem? Do we like to close our eyes and turn our heads when IDF bulldozers made by CAT destroy Palestinian homes? Or when they are driven around the occupied territories at 4:00AM (see note below) in order to wake the sleeping people and at the same time destroyed the so-called roads Palestinians must drive on everyday? And not to forget when the IDF wants to scare away “terrorist” civilians and crush activists (read: Rachel Corrie).

I personally condemn all acts of violence against innocent civilians, however, to not comprehend why this incident took place is MAD. What I am saying is, Israelis should not act so surprised that such an oppressive weapon used so long by the Israelis to terrify Palestinians was used against them.

Please see Israel’s history of love affairs with bulldozers.

NOTE: While staying in a refugee camp in 2002, Israelis would purposely start driving a bulldozer on the main street at 3:30am in order to wake the sleeping people. Bulldozers have one of the most torturous noises known to man, to listen to this in the middle of your sleep is TORTURE.

Nakba Postcard

Shadi Sleem & Razi Najjar’s 60 years of Nakba postcards made for Al-Awda

Not so nosy after all

Yesterday on the bus, I did something that I wouldn’t normally do. After the fact, I realized WHY I did it and why MORE people SHOULD DO IT. The lady near me was reading From Beirut to Jerusalem by Thomas L. Friedman. I thought to myself, this girl looks like she’s interested in learning about the conflict and starting with this book is irrational. So I rummaged through my briefcase and took out a piece of used paper and jotted down the following: “If you are interested in a thorough view on the conflict, I suggest the following readings.” 

I proceeded to give her titles from authors like Pappe, Finkelstein, Abunimah and more. Before giving her the little note, I finished off the note with: “I am not too fond of Mr. Friedman.”

I tapped her on the back and provided her with this. Of course she was a bit weirded out but she took it, read it and thanked me. Then we started talking about the book, how she was eager to learn more and a friend suggested it to her, how I know about the conflict, what I think of Friedman and his current readings, etc.

As she got off on her stop, she thanked me again and left, letting me know she will surely look into this.

Sincerely, I hope she does. Overall, I felt great. I randomly approached someone on the bus but I might have also given someone the chance to find out the TRUTH. One less ignorant person in the world. If everyone can do this, we’ll have accomplished something.

Shirts for everyone

Wemoto, a brand from Germany, has released a satirical t-shirt showing Bush as Borat, Bin Laden as a baseball player and Kim Jong Ill as Ronald McDonald, all representations of an all American lifestyle. The shirt is well designed, but the question is, how will the general public’s reaction be if I release a shirt with some truth? i.e. One that has Hitler, Slobodan Milosevic and Ariel Sharon hugging at “War Crimes Camp”? I’m just saying…

Picture from: http://teeshirtblog.blogspot.com/2008/04/wemoto-ss08.html

Book review: “Where Now for Palestine? The Demise of the Two-State Solution”

Book review: “Where Now for Palestine? The Demise of the Two-State Solution”
Ali Abunimah, The Electronic Intifada, 13 June 2008

The impetus for Where Now for Palestine? The Demise of the Two-State Solution, as editor Jamil Hilal states in his introduction, is the increasing recognition within the Palestinian nationalist movement and among some Israelis that “the Oslo process has collapsed and the two-state solution has reached an impasse.” This collection of eleven essays aims “to show in some detail why and how this collapse has happened, and why some new solution has to be found” (p. 20). Hilal, a research fellow at Muwatin, the Ramallah-based Palestinian Institute for the Study of Democracy, is the author of several books and numerous articles on Palestinian society, history, and politics. In this work, he calls for the formulation of proposals for a bi-national state, and says that such proposals should be examined by Palestinians and Israelis alike.

Against a political and historical discourse where partition and separation are key themes, contributing historian Ilan Pappe offers an engaging essay arguing that by the time it became the target of the Zionist movement, Palestine was already a unitary political entity with a distinct and cohesive local culture. These continuities, Pappe argues, challenge “the dominant mainstream Zionist perception of Palestine as formed of two units: one Jewish and one not Jewish” (pp. 31-32). Political scientist As’ad Ghanem offers a clear analysis of how Israel’s obsession with demography (current projections suggest Jews will be only 26-35 percent of the population of historic Palestine by mid-century) has been the consistent driving force behind its policies. Thus, for example, Ariel Sharon’s shift from conflict resolution (on Israel’s terms) to a long-term conflict management paradigm constitutes continuity with rather than a break from previous Israeli approaches.

Political scientist and human rights activist Nils Butenschon’s historical legal analysis of the framework Palestinians have relied upon in making their national claims shows how the commitment of the “international community” to both Palestinian and Jewish self-determination places Palestinians in a unique position in the post-colonial paradigm, one in which they must essentially negate their own rights by affirming Israel’s “right to exist” as a condition for being granted a measure of recognition. Sufyan Alissa uses surveys of the economic status quo to highlight material realities that call the two-state solution into question. Jad Isaac and Owen Powell of the Applied Research Institute in Jerusalem use environmental surveys to the same end in their chapter, the only contribution that makes extensive use of maps and figures to document geographical features and economic resources.

It is only Sharif Elmusa who tackles the one-state solution head-on, sympathetically, and with passion, offering an effective if unsystematic rebuttal of some of the key objections. One such is the claim that the liberal notions of citizenship underpinning most bi-national proposals are incompatible with and doomed by the ascendant Islamist trend, as represented by Hamas. Elmusa is open to the possibility that Hamas, which he acknowledges “has not fully pushed for an Islamist sociocultural agenda,” possesses the ideological flexibility to adopt a “multiethnic” formula, as Hizballah has done in Lebanon (pp. 221-22). Elmusa also considers the possibility of a greater Palestinian state incorporating Jordan.

Political scientist Husam S. Mohamed’s essay on the Bush administration and the two-state solution is less satisfying. It offers few new insights, and, while critical of the administration’s approach, it uncritically accepts some officially defined US concepts; Mohamed defines a “moderate” Palestinian strategy as one “acceptable to Israel and the Bush administration” (p. 113), for instance, and writes about Israeli occupation “breeding violence and extremism” among Palestinians (p. 114).

There are two chapters on Hamas that overlap considerably. The first, by current Palestinian Foreign Minister Ziad Abu Amr, asserts that Hamas’s primary motivation is the “Islamic transformation” of society. Citing only unsourced generalizations about the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood and its founder, Hasan al-Banna, Abu Amr asserts “as a matter of fact” that Hamas “is required from a doctrinal point of view to seek and seize power to promote its Islamic agenda.” Abu Amr takes Fatah’s democratic credentials for granted, completely ignoring recent scholarship demonstrating the evolution of Hamas’s internal debates and the obsolescence of some of the movement’s early declarations (such as the 1988 charter) as reliable guides to understanding its leaders’ current thinking and policies. Scholars Are Knudsen and Basem Ezbidi’s co-authored chapter on Hamas is slightly more satisfying, but, like Abu Amr’s, it makes no mention of significant contextual factors, such as US efforts to prop up Fatah with arms and money to undermine Hamas.

Drawing on transcripts of meetings held by diaspora Palestinians, political science scholar Karma Nabulsi documents effectively the community’s sense of abandonment by the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) and the lack of representation these Palestinians have felt since Oslo. In doing so, however, she exaggerates and romanticizes the extent to which the PLO ever actually was democratic. If the old structures were so participatory, how was the leadership able to abandon the people so quickly and completely? Nabulsi’s conclusion — particularly baffling in the context of this book — is that a debate on the one-state solution versus the two-state solution is actually counterproductive until a fully participatory PLO has been rebuilt. With no strategy offered for doing this, the chapter is effectively an invitation to silence a vital discussion.

Except as noted, each chapter is well referenced with endnotes, and the book has an index making it easier to search for topics across chapters. There is too much overlap between chapters in the factual material covered, however, at the expense of new insights or visions standing up to the important challenge set by Hilal.

The volume succeeds in demonstrating why the Oslo process could not lead to a workable, stable, or just two-state solution, but it fails to systematically lay out alternatives or strategies for getting to them. Undoubtedly this is a task that no single edited collection could fairly be expected to tackle comprehensively, however, and thus Where Now for Palestine? may be viewed as a welcome start that might spur others to take on a pressing question.

Co-founder of The Electronic Intifada, Ali Abunimah is author of One Country: A Bold Proposal to End the Israeli-Palestinian Impasse (Metropolitan Books, 2006). This review originally appeared in The Journal of Palestine Studies, Issue 147, Volume 37, Spring 2008, and is republished with the author’s permission.

Related Links

• Purchase Where Now for Palestine? The Demise of the Two-State Solution on Amazon
• BY TOPIC: Book reviews & features

Article from: http://electronicintifada.net/v2/article9610.shtml

 

Right of Return Conference

60 Years of Exile: The Palestinian Right of Return

A conference sponsored by the Canadian-Palestinian Educational Exchange (CEPAL)

$40 Students (ID required at the door)

$65 General Admission

* Lunch included

CEPAL’s first ever Right of Return conference commemorates the 60th anniversary of Al-Nakba (catastrophe), and will encourage discussion among Canadians about the Palestinian Right of Return. The Right of Return will be discussed in reference to several themes, including:

1) Historical insights

2) International law

3) Human rights

4) Culture and identity, and

5) Political considerations

The conference is also meant to be one of solidarity with the Palestinian people, as well as an opportunity to discuss achieving a just solution to the predicament for Palestinian refugees who remain stateless. This conference is instrumental in highlighting CEPAL’s important work, as the only Canadian organization to work directly with Palestinian refugees in Lebanon. It is critical in fulfilling CEPAL’s mandate to raise awareness about the dire and worsening situation Palestinian refugees face, the options for a just solution to their predicament, and how Canadians can help.

SPEAKERS TO DATE:

Hanan Ashrawi (via live stream, Ramallah)

Nahla Abdo (Carlton University)

Rex Brynen (McGill University)

Randa Farah (University of Western Ontario)

Norman Finkelstein (Independent Scholar)

Michael Lynk (University of Western Ontario)

Jaber Suleiman (Independent Scholar)

Students, community members, civil servants, Members of Parliament, Ambassadors, foreign diplomats, and anyone interested in the situation of Palestinian refugees and the Right of Return are encouraged to attend.

All proceeds will go towards CEPAL’s 2008 Summer Program in Lebanon.

SPONSORS

The conference is co-sponsored by Al-Awda (Toronto chapter), NCCAR, SPHR, APAC, Rabble.ca, and Libby Davies, MP for Vancouver East NDP.

SPACE IS LIMITED! We encourage you to register early on-line or by contacting Jonathan Hera, CEPAL Events Director at jonathan.hera(at)cepal.ca. 

Register here

Banned in the U.S.A. (Almost)

As a strong supporter of a single democratic state where Palestinians and Israelis co-exist, I find it intolerable that so called leftist bookstores have banned a scholar from speaking about his new book which questions the viability of a two state solution and instead, proposes a one state solution. Read Professor Saree Makdisi opposite editorial below.

The Washington Post

I didn’t think America was a place where bookstores barred people for their viewpoints, until it happened to me, right here in Washington, D.C., the city of my birth.

I was scheduled to speak at Politics & Prose Bookstore and Coffeehouse last month about my latest book, “Palestine Inside Out: An Everyday Occupation.” My appearance was canceled when the bookstore owners realized that my book concludes by questioning the viability of a two-state solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Instead it proposes a single democratic, secular and multicultural state in which Israelis and Palestinians live peacefully as citizens with equal rights.

“I do not believe that your book will further constructive debate in the United States,” one of the owners wrote to me in an e-mail. “A single state is not a solution.” I was dismayed that my invitation was rescinded because I express a different point of view from the one sanctioned by a supposedly independent bookstore. Yet the cancellation seems to fit into a larger pattern of nationwide censorship about this issue.

Stanford professor Joel Beinin had been invited to speak about Israel and Palestine at a Silicon Valley school last year; his appearance was canceled when the school was criticized for booking the event. Tony Judt of New York University was invited to speak about Israel and Palestine at the Polish Consulate in New York last fall; his talk was canceled after the consulate came under pressure from the Anti-Defamation League and the American Jewish Committee.

The fact that senior scholars are prevented from speaking in well-known forums because they do not toe an official line suggests that the civic culture on which our country was founded has broken down, at least when it comes to Palestine and Israel.

Yet citizens can object to the muzzling of ideas. After receiving letters of protest and eloquent entreaties by bloggers, Politics and Prose decided last week to reissue my invitation. This reversal is an important step forward but questions still linger. Can we afford not to hear each other out as we evaluate our Middle East policies? Should Palestinians not be allowed to speak unless their erstwhile audience gets to tell them what to say? What, then, is the point of a conversation? What is the alternative to conversation?

What is so unspeakably wrong with saying that justice, secularism, tolerance and equality of citizens — rather than privileges granted on the basis of religion — should be among the values of a state?

– Saree Makdisi

If you wear a keffiyeh, you must be a…

I am fuming over the recent coverage of the Dunkin’ Donuts commercial featuring Rachel Ray. The influence of people like extreme right wing blogger Michelle Malkin is far too intense, as it led to Dunkin’ Donuts pulling the ad immediately after outrage was sparked over a “jihad scarf.” Wait a minute, jihad scarf? Are you for real? Why is it that when something is assumed to be associated with terrorism, they must associate the word jihad with it? Jihad has different meanings; why does the media continuously associate jihad only with the meaning holy war?

Let’s get things straight, the keffiyeh has been around for a long time and it became a mainstream fashion accessory over two years ago. Controversy struck last year when Urban Outfitters, a popular clothing retailer, started carrying keffiyehs and labelling them as “anti-war scarves.” People threatened to boycott the store because they promote “terrorist activities.” Almost immediately, the scarves were pulled from stores due to pressure.

The keffiyeh is a traditional headdress, not a terrorist headdress. For example, if a bunch of terrorists happen to be wearing brown Pashmina scarves wrapped around their faces while holding people hostage, does that signify that every person on the street who wears a brown Pashmina is a Kalashnikov swinging mad man? Or, as a friend of mine said, the IRA wore jeans, shall we go burn down GAP? I don’t think so, but Miss Malkin seems to think the keffiyeh symbolizes “murderous Palestinian jihad”. 

My friends and I wear keffiyehs for two reasons: it protects us from the cold during the winter and we sympathize with the Palestinian cause. We are not Anti-Jewish; we are anti occupation and believers in human rights. What the Palestinians are going through in the occupied territories and within Israel itself is a violation of human rights. This initially is how the keffiyeh became associated with the Palestinian struggle.

The other comment that upsets me is the specific association of the keffiyeh not only to terrorism but Muslim extremism. People wear keffiyehs all the time in Palestine, including Christian Palestinians. Why is Middle-Eastern culture consistently being misunderstood or not researched at all?

Claiming that anyone who wears a keffiyeh is a terrorist is a derogatory and a racist comment.

Maybe its time people stopped and tried to understand the subtext of these cultural symbols before wearing them. The fashion houses that first decided to adopt them knew full well the significance. It is the large retailers (such as Urban Outfitters and H&M) who adopt them and mass-produce the product without studying its significance. It is unfortunate the amount of influence bloggers like Miss Malkin have on the media, especially when it comes to Arab culture which is always misinterpreted by right wing media.